Pahayag sa Lig-ong Hiniusang Kusog sa Kabus Dakbayan (LIHUK) atol sa SONA 2013

Pahayag sa Lig-ong Hiniusang Kusog sa Kabus Dakbayan (LIHUK) atol sa SONA 2013

Anaa na sa tunga-tunga sa iyang termino ang pangatungdanan isip Presidente, nga ika-upat na sa iyang State of the Nation Address (SONA), dinhi iyang ipadayag ang nakab-ot nga mga kalambu-an particular na sa ekonomiya, apan sayod ang kadaghanan nga ang kalambuan sa ekonomiya wala naabot sa kinabag-ang katawhan ilabi na sa mga kabus. Ang gipanghambog na 7.8% na GDP growth na sinati laman sa mga dagkong negosyante, apan ang gabagang katawhan nagpabiling malisuron.

Sa iyang tulo na katuig sa iyang pagka- Presidente daghang kaayo ang nahitabong demolisyon, midaghang ang walay trabaho, wala niya taga-i pagtagad ang problema sa mga mamumu-o ang kotraktuwalisyon, sigi ug mahal ang presyo petrolyo ilabi na sa pinakabatakan nga panginahanglan nga mao ang bugas, mahal kaayo ang bayranan sa tubig ug koryente, ug anaa pa ang pagtaas sa Tuition og ubang Miscellaneous fees.

Nagpadayon ang masaker sa kinaiyahan pinaagi sa padayon na operasyon sa dagkong Mining Company sa nasud, kani bisan sa grabe nang kalamidad na nasinati sa nasud.

Ug kita dinhi sa Iligan, dili himulag sa mga kalisud na nasinate. Gani, dili lang dugay ang hinimong krises sa kuryente para ipasulod ang interest sa mga negosyanting buot pagdumalahan ang industriya sa kuryente. Gisundan kini sa pagbaligya sa atong IDPPs na mao untay mo tubag sa maong pangihanglanon, kani tungod ke ulipon man ang kaniadtong administrasyon sa national na programa,ang PPP(Public Private Partnership). Og gisundan kini sa grabe na pagtaas sa presyo sa atong kuryente, gani mipabor man si PNoy sa mga kapitalista niadtong nahitabong Power Summit sa Davao.

Unsaon nalang ang mga biktima ni Sendong na halos wala pa gani narelokar ang halos 70%, ang kadtong narelokar na ang kamahal sa balayronon sa kuryente ang ilang masugatan. Dugang pa ang kawad-on sa panginabuhian, kamahal sa mga pamaliton, ug ang edukasyon.

Dili makab-ot ang kalambu-an natong mga kabus kung dili ta magkahi-usa, busa uban ta pag-usab sa nagatunhay nga sistema, uban ta sa pagbungkag sa Public-Private Partnership tungod kay dugang pasakit lang kini sa katawhan.

Propaganda Desk

LIHUK-Iligan

July 22, 2013

Makatotohanang Pag-unlad ng Mamamayan at Makatotohanang Kaayusan ng Ekonomiya para sa Mamamayan

Makatotohanang Pag-unlad ng Mamamayan at Makatotohanang Kaayusan ng Ekonomiya para sa Mamamayan

Sa araw na ito (Hulyo 22, 2013) ay ang pag-uulat ng Pangulo ng Pilipinas sa katauhan ni PNoy sa kalagayan ng bansa at ang mga nagawa ng pamahalaan at kung anu-ano pa ang mga dapat na pagtuunang pansin sa natitirang tatlong taong panunungkulan. Ito ang pang-apat sa State of the Nation Address ng Pangulo na nasa kalagitnaan na ng kanyang anim na taong termino.

Ipinagsisigawan ng pamahalaan ang pag-unlad ng pambansang kita nito at ang pag-unlad ng credit rating ng Pilipinas sa pandaigdigang merkado, ang tagumpay umano sa eksklusibistang usapang pangkapayapaan nito sa MILF, ang lalong pagtaas ng mga remittances ng mga OFWs habang pinapabayaan namang magmukhang pulubi sa awa at serbisyo sa ibang bansa maging sa sariling mga embahada, ang pagiging matapang umano nitong debatihin ang Tsina sa territorial dispute sa karagatan na kakuntsaba ang Amerika at ang tagumpay umano ng kampanyang reporma at kontra-kurapsyong krusada nito na ang tinatamaan lang ay ang hindi ka-alyado.

Talaga namang umunlad. Umunlad ang bilang ng mga ka-alyado ng administrasyong dilaw makalipas itong 2013 na halalan dahil sa takot na hindi mabiyayaan ng Internal Revenue nito at ang mga Development Funds.

Talaga namang umunlad. Umunlad ang kita ng mga negosyante sa petrolyo at wala man lang matibay na posisyon at alternatibo ang pamahalaan maliban sa pagtataas ng pamasahe na mas lalo ding magpapahirap sa mamamayan.

Talaga namang umunlad. Umunlad ang popularidad ni PNoy sa pandaigdigang mga pagpupulong. Dahil inilalako nito ang mga teritoryo at kayamanan ng bansa sa mga negosyante at dayuhang bansa. 

Talaga naman umunlad. Tumaas ang bilang ng nakikinabang sa Conditional Cash Transfer na mga pulitiko dahil ginagamit itong pang-impluwensya sa mga nasasakupan nila. Wala man lang tayong narinig na aksyon mula sa pamahalaan. Isang hindi produktibong programa na napakalaking utang ang pinagkukunan. Kahit ang bansang Brazil na siyang modelo ng programang ito ay hindi nagtagumpay na maibsan ang kahirapan sa bansa nila dahil nga hindi ito makatotohanan.

Talaga namang umunlad. Tumaas ang pagkabahala ng mga seksyon ng lipunan sa Mindanao na hindi napasama sa mga proseso sa usapang pangkapayapaan. Nagdetermina ng teritoryong Bangsamoro na hindi man lang kahhit papano kinausap ang Mamamayang Lumad at iba pang lipunang mapasama sa teritoryong mapapasama sa Bangsamoro. Habang isa itong teritoryo ay hinayaan ng pamahalaan na isama pa ang lahat sa pagkakilanlang Bangsmoro na wala ring pagkonsulta. Mukha yatang ito rin ang naganap noong sinasabi nating Illegal Annexation ng kapuluan sa Mindanao sa Pilipinas. Walang pakialam ang pamahalaang PNoy dito dahil ang nais lang nitong maseguro ay ang sharing sa ekonomiya at kapangyarihang politika.

Talaga namang umunlad. Tumaas ang bilang ng mga walang trabaho. Tumaas ang bilang ng mga nahagip ng Kontraktwalisasyon Isisisi pa ngayon sa mga manggagawa ang sasapitin nila?

Talaga namang umunlad. Tumaas ang bilang ng mga pasanin ng mamamayan. Banta at pagpapatupad ng Privatization sa Enerhiya at Elektrisidad, Tubig, Hospital at marami pang iba habang wala namang habas na tinitingnan lang ng pamahalaan ang demlisyon sa mga maralitang taga-lunsod.

Talaga namang Umunlad. Hinukay na lahat halos ng kalupaan sa Pilipinas (Luzon, Visayas at Mindanao) upang kumita ng malaki ang bansa. Nung hinagupit ng mga kalamidad ang Mindanao ang sabi lang ni PNoy, "DILG Secretary Imbetigahan nyo ito". Makalipas na lang ang isang taon uli, ni isa walang natumbok na may gawa sa pagkasira ng kalikasan.

Talaga namang umunlad. Tumaas ang mga bayarin sa eskwelahan at patuloy sa pagtaas ang pagkaltas sa pundo sa mga serbisyong sosyal.

Talaga namang Umunlad. Oh di ba, tumaas na ang SALN ng pangulo at mga alyado't trapo?

Talaga namang umunlad. Mas nagpapakita ng tunay na kulay ang pamahalaang ito. Lahat ng mga mayayamang nakatala na pinakamayaman sa bansa ay mga kaibigan ng Palasyo.

Talaga namang umunlad.

Ano dapat ba ang kahulugan ng Pag-unlad? Hindi naman mangmang ang mga nasa pamahalaan at lalo na ang mga progresibo umanong seksyon sa loob nito. Kaya ang sagot, Talaga namang umunlad!

Liga ng Makabagong Kabataan, Mindanao
July 22, 2013

PAMAHAYAG SA RANAW TRI-PEOPLE MOVEMENT FOR GENUINE PEACE AND DEVELOPMENT (RTMGPD) KABAHIN SA IKA-UPAT NGA “STATE OF THE NATION ADDRESS” (SONA) SA REHIMENG AQUINO

Hulyo 22, 2013

Karong Hulyo 22, 2013 mobatbat na usab si Presidente Benigno Aquino III sa iyang “state of the nation address” (SONA) o ang pagpadayag sa presidente sa nasud sa kahimtang sa nasud Pilipinhon. Kini mao ang ika-upat nga pagpahayag ni Presidente Aquino sa matag tuig nga mahuman sa iyang unom ka tuig nga termino sa pagka-presidente sa nasud Pilipinas. Sa kasinatian sa milabay nga tulo ka SONA kanunay ipamahayag sa Presidente ang mala-rosas nga hulagway sa kahimtang sa nasud Pilipinas. Pipila niini mao ang giingong pagtubo sa ekonomiya, pagbatok sa kurapsyon ug pagsalta sa kahimtang sa ubos nga katawhan gikan sa kakabus ug kawad-on.

Kanunay nga ibida sa presidente ang tubo sa ekonomiya sa natala nga porsento sa “gross domestic product” kung GDP o “kinatibuk-ang produkto sulod sa nasud” diin sa tibuok tuig 2012 mitala kini og 6.8% ug karong unang kuarto (quarter) sa 2013 mirekord kini og 7.8%. Tinuod nga daku-daku kini nga porsento apan naobserbahan sa akto nga kahimtang sa ubos nga katawhan ug naghagong hut-ong nga walay kausaban ang kahimtang sa ubos. Tungod kini kay ang abot ug tubo sa produksyon sa ekonomiya gikumkom lang sa pipila ka adunahang pamilya/indibiduwal nga magpapatigayon.

Ang mga adunahang sa nasud nga naglangkub sa 15% hangtud 16% sa pupolasyon sa Pilipinas ug kini sila lang ang nag-angkon sa 60% nga kita sa nasud nga nagpatubo sa GDP. Sa tuig 2011 kuarinta (40) ka pinakadatu nga pamilya sa Pilipinas (Forbes Wealth List) nag-angkon sa 76% sa tubo sa GDP sa nasud. Samtang ang 84% hangtud 85% sa pupolasyon sa nasud nag-ilaid sa pag-angkon sa 40% nga kita sa nasud nga gitala sa GDP (NSCB).

Bisan pa man nga nakagasto ang goberno og P6.9 bilyones hangtud sa Pebrero 2013 mitala gihapon ang gigutom nga pinakapobre sa kabus nga katawhan og 3.9 milyones ka pamilya o gibanabana nga 19.5 milyones ka tawo sa unang kuarto karong tuiga 2013. Mitubo kini og 600,000 gikan sa imaging kuarto (SWS). Dili kalikayan nga modaghan ang kabus tungod kay sa natad sa panarbaho mitaas man og 7.5% ang tanto sa walay trabaho (unemployment rate) sa bulan sa Abril 2013 (NSO).

Sa tulo ka tuig nga pangagamhanang ni Presidente Pnoy Aquino wala pa mahimutang sa tul-id nga dalan ang katawhang kabus, nagpabilin kini sa kakabus ug midaghan pa gani. Walas puas ang wala ug tuo nga anumaliya ug kurapsyon sa pangagamhanan anaa ang bag-ong mibuto nga P10 bilyones Pork Barrel Scam ug P900 milyones Malampaya Fund Lost. Naglambigit kini sa mga mini nga NGOs, busa uban sa mga tinuod nga NGOs nanawagan kita karon sa pagwagtang sa Pork Barrel Fund o Priority Development Assistance Fund (PDAF) sa mga Senador ug Kongresesta. 

Ang mayoriyang kabus nga katawhan nga giingong Boss ni Pnoy wala pa makabati nga Boss sila sa mga opisyales sa kagamhanan. Daghang mga makatarunganon ug demokratikong interes ug pangayo sa mabagang kabus nga katawhan wala pamatia ug buhatan sa mga suloguon sa katawhan (pinili/tinudlo nga opisyal sa goberno). Gipatuman hinuon ang pagpamahal sa presyo sa elektrisidad ginamit ang pagpangilad nga kakulang sa suplay sa elektrisidad ug tinuyo nga pagpalung-palong sa suga.

Ang pagpatuman sa kabubut-on sa mayoriyang kabus nga katawhan (ang Boss), nga mao untay hulagway sa demokratisasyon sa katilingban nagpabilin nga idlas ug dili pa matagamtam sa katawhan. Ang kagustohan nga pamaagi sa katawhan sa pag-angkon sa kalinaw dili mao ang gihimo sa kagamhanang Pnoy, nagpabilin nga ang gusto sa Malacanang sama sa nanglabay nga kagamhanan mao ang matuman sama sa pagpili og gobernor sa ARMM. Kung kinsa ang paboran sa Malacanang mao ang molusot, wala nay tinuod nga kahulogan ang ilang eleksyon. Sa panag-estorya sa kalinaw puros lang mga lider ang nag-estorya, ilabina sa bahin sa kagamhanan puros taga Luzon, wala gani kini konsultasyon ug pagpahibalo sa mabagang yanong katawhan ilabi na sa Mindanao.

Busa dili malikayan ug mabasul ang pag-alsa sa ubang grupo o katawhan, ang MNLF, BIFF, Lumad ug ubang rebulosyonaryong grupo. Ang nakadimalas pa niini kay ang mabagang katawhang sibilyan sa Mindanao ang mag-antos kung adunay kagubot samtang luwas ug nagpaharuhay sa Manila ang mga lider sa Panag-estorya sa Kalinaw nga taga Manila o Luzon. 

Dili makapagpakahilum ang ubang pundok sa katawhan, ang anaa sa simbahan sama sa CBCP nanawagan kang Presidente Pnoy nga mohimo pa og daghan alang sa kabus nga katawhan. Kinahanglan moduyog ang mabagang naghagong katawhan Lumad, Muslim ug Kristiano sa mga demokratikong kalihukan sa pagduso sa mga makatarunganon ug demokratikong katungod ug pangayo. Ipamugos nga sundon sa mga suloguon sa goberno (pinili/tinudlo nga opisyal sa goberno) ang kagustohan sa ilang Boss nga mao ang mabagang yanong katawhan

GPH-MILF Annex on Wealth Sharing Signed document

Government of the Philippines and Moro Islamic Liberation Front signed the Annex to the Framework Agreement on Bangsamoro on Wealth Sharing in Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia during their 38th Exploratory Talk this month July 2013.

To have the signed text, please follow the link:

Annex on Revenue Generation and Wealth Sharing GPH-MILF Talk

Opening remarks of GPH panel chair Miriam Coronel-Ferrer on the 38th GPH-MILF Formal Exploratory Talks

Posted on Monday, Jul 8th, 2013

Good morning to everyone. Assalamu alaykum to Malaysian Facilitator Tengku Dato' Ab Ghafar Tengku Mohamed and to Malaysian Head of Secretariat Che Cassna who prepared our rooms for us today, our counterparts led by MILF Peace Panel Chairman Mohagher Iqbal, the members of his panel, and the rest of the delegation. On behalf of the members of the Government Panel, we also send our greetings to the other bodies who are accompanying us here today, the International Contact Group (ICG) and the Third Party Monitoring Team (TPMT).

We arrived here in Kuala Lumpur with loads of prayers and well-wishes from people back home. Like most of you, I too got an inbox full of sendoff prayers.

Presidential Adviser on the Peace Process Teresita Quintos Deles has also called on her prayer warriors, who have included our intentions in their novena and daily masses. She has sent out the text message asking everyone to “Please pray for patience, insight, and understanding for the parties to find common ground in mind and heart and bring the good news for the Filipino people during the first week of Ramadan.”

Civil society groups have come out with their statements, while other groups I believe are also keeping vigil on the streets.  

A few days ago, several friends, all leading lights in their respective organizations, visited me in the office to express their support. They even brought a gift – a pair of pens. And we all know on what occasions we have special use of pens. That’s why I have these pens with me in this trip.

With gratitude we welcome the biddings of good luck and good will.   And we too also have said our own prayers, our own whispered hopes for a most fruitful meeting.

We have made our own personal pleas for strength and wisdom, so that we may agree on the ways and means to operationalize our shared goal of instituting meaningful fiscal and political autonomy for the Bangsamoro political entity.

The Annexes that will come out of this process will not be perfect – not perfect from where the MILF, the government, nor any of the other stakeholders, whether self-ascribed as Bangsamoro or not, from where they are coming from.

But like the Framework Agreement which drew up the master plan, the Annexes will design the rooms with the basic rudiments for dignified and harmonious governance. These rooms shall be livable. Under good hands, they will nurture leaders who will continue to strengthen the foundations, dream new dreams, and change the lives of the whole neighborhood.

We have a big responsibility, all of us in this room today, to meet the expectations of so many people who want this process to succeed.

With the presence of the TPMT here, we have expanded the circle of responsibility. So indeed we welcome the Chair of the TPMT, Alistair McDonald who of course is no stranger to the Philippines having been posted as deputy head of the delegation of the European Union in the Philippines way back from 1990 to 1995 and EU head of delegation to the Philippines from 2007 to 2011. I remember writing him a farewell note before he left the country saying that it is too bad that he could not stay on for the comprehensive agreement, and here he is joining us in this process leading to that kind of completion and implementation.

We also would have to have special mention of Dr. Steven Rood (of The Asian Foundation) who is transitioning from the ICG to the TMPT.  We thank him for his valuable contribution to the ICG having been an original member of this body. And somebody who has been insider for the most parts, the most industrious person typing notes all the time of events as they happened. I am sure that his book will be a bestseller in the years to come.

We also welcome Karen Tañada of the Gaston Z. Ortigas Peace Institute (GZOPI) who is also the Southeast Asian coordinator of “Peace Women Across the Globe.” And we know of course GZOPI had served as co-convenor of the Mindanao Solidarity Network, which is linked with the bigger coalitions and alliances in Mindanao such as the Mindanao PeaceWeavers.

Also welcome again to an old friend Zen Malang of MINHRAC, who has holed up himself in Cotabato City for the longest time, recovering from the trauma of 2008 to become one of the most active members again in the process in Mindanao.

IHH[1] we don’t really know much about. So we welcome this opportunity to be acquainted and to become friends with them as well.

Once convened, the TPMT as one body, will no longer be GPH nominees or MILF nominees. We expect them to be objective and constructive interlocutors of the process, both in their individual and collective capacities.

Also part of the growing circle of responsibility, of responsible individuals will be our legislators, and we do hope that before we end this meeting, some senators might  be able to join us later this week. We are still awaiting final confirmation of their travel arrangements.

Of course to the ICG who have stayed with us as our constant companion, I notice that there are a less of you today. I hope that this is not a sign of losing interest, certainly not, you have not been disbanded at all with the creation of the TMPT. We do look forward of being with you again and again.

The Centre of Humanitarian Dialogue (CHD) organized the fruitful forum in Oslo together with Government of Norway. It was certainly a very good opportunity for us to informally come together and set the next round of talks.

Many in the ICG are spending with the panels and the Facilitator our third Ramadan together in these talks. 

You will recall that during Ramadan in 2011, we had a near breakdown with the MILF panel rejecting the GPH’s 3-for-1 proposal and the government panel, led by former chair now Associate Justice Marvic Leonen “rejecting the rejection”.

Still, on April 2012, we signed the Decision Points on Principles that laid down the major consensus on principles.

By Ramadan in 2012 last year, we had two Technical Working Groups (TWGs) working on the Annexes on Wealth-sharing and Power-sharing.   

It is now Ramadan 2013: About time indeed we resolve the sticky issues after completing two years of the Hijrah (Islamic) calendar.

The items on the table are all hard issues. But what I know is that we all want to solve the problem and that we will jointly, collectively decide on the future of the partnership that was forged with the signing of the Framework Agreement on the Bangsamoro (FAB).

So with these, the prayers and good luck will see us through.

Thank you very much.

________________________________

[1] iHH stands for İnsan Hak ve Hürriyetleri ve İnsani Yardım Vakfı or The Foundation for Human Rights and Freedom and Humanitarian Relief, the Turkish NGO nominated by the MIL
F

- See more at: http://opapp.gov.ph/news/opening-remarks-gph-panel-chair-miriam-coronel-ferrer-38th-gph-milf-formal-exploratory-talks#sthash.Yt8MB43X.dpuf

OPENING STATEMENT OF MOHAGHER IQBAL DURING THE 38TH GPH-MILF EXPLORATORY TALKS IN KL ON JULY 8-11, 2013

www.luwaran.com

Tuesday, July 09, 2013

Written by: Mohagher Iqbal

It has been two months and 29 days since we met here last April 11 for the 37th GPH-MILF Exploratory Talks where we agreed “to exchange notes on the coming days” and “to meet again after the May 13 Philippine elections.” That did not happen.

The peace panels have not met since except during a sideline meeting in Oslo, Norway during the Mediators’ Forum sponsored by the Norwegian Foreign Ministry and the Centre for Humanitarian Dialogue (HDC). Prof. Miriam Ferrer-Coronel, my honourable counterpart, in the presence of Secretary Teresita “Ging” Deles and the Malaysian Facilitator, Excellency Dato’ Tengku Abd’ Ghafar bin Mohamed, handed to us their latest paper on wealth-sharing. Of course, we were not there to negotiate the content of that paper but merely to receive it and deliver to our principal for their perusal.

During this long period of uncertainty in the talks, so much negative speculations have filled the air. It is not good to hear these, but they were all expressed loud and clear. To many, the impression is that there is an impasse of the peace talks. Truth is that the official explanation coming from government that they needed time to conduct a due diligence study on wealth-sharing is less discernible because, first, the annex on wealth-sharing, alongside annex on power-sharing, has been on the agenda since July 2012; and second, members of the two peace panels have initialled the annex on wealth-sharing on February 27, after no less than two from each peace panel led by their respective chair, had agreed on the final text of this annex during several rounds of executive sessions.

But a sigh of relief to friends of the peace process emerged after the Malaysian facilitator came in early June to Manila and proceeded to Darapanan to talk to key government officials and MILF leaders. Both camps declared that their commitment to solve the Moro Problem is as strong as ever and they are committed to do it soon than later. This feeling of resolve was strengthened vigorously when MILF Chairman Al Haj Murad Ebrahim decided to write President Benigno Aquino III reiterating the unwavering commitment of the MILF to resolve the conflict peacefully but politely informed him of the growing frustration of the people and some members of the MILF as a result of the delay of the talks. The problem is that the delay is perceived not from the MILF side but from government. The President responded positively to the letter. But I am so sorry I cannot disclose the content of the letter because I don’t have the mandate to do so. Our chairman did not allow that copies be made except one that is intended for the Facilitator for the record of the Malaysian Secretariat.

In Oslo, Norway many of the foreign participants described the GPH-MILF peace negotiation as a “success story”. We were so flattered and tempted to accept it, but Brother Bobby Alonto and I have politely made the correction. We told them that the parties have not yet finished the process; in fact, they are still treading the most critical stage of their peace journey.  Besides, there are many spoilers who are waiting in ambush.

As a negotiator for more than ten years, I have learned a lot of hard lessons. My experience tells me that there is no easy part of any real life negotiation. For this reason, I know that the road ahead of the current peace talks is still full of humps and bumps. But this is no reason to cause the failure of these talks. Sincere and committed partners in peace process will always find creative formula to get through any differences. If they don’t find one, this means one of the parties or both of them change policy from solving the conflict to not solving it.

For the nth time, I must mention here that we are solving the Moro Problem or Question, not the Philippine Problem. Remember that a “historic injustice” has been committed against the Bangsamoro, which must be corrected once and for all in order to put to rest all future legitimate struggles against the Manila government. Therefore, any solution requires a major shake-up of the status quo. A mere resort to legal remedies not founded on negotiated political settlement will not hold water. Moreover, it is not symmetry or what is common to all peoples of the Philippines is the problem; rather, it is what distinguishes the Bangsamoro from the rest of the inhabitants that we must address, and which distinctiveness we have already discovered the formula: “asymmetrical relationship”.

 This means, the parties must find a political solution that is above the current Autonomous Region in Muslim Mindanao (ARMM) and below independence. If we faithfully subscribe to this formulation, the parties can move the process very fast. There would
 be no back-and-forth movements like what happened for the last more four months.

In plain words, what we are negotiating since 1997 has been clearly for an autonomous political entity. The MILF agreed not to raise the issue of independence and the government not to peg its position on the Constitution and the territorial integrity of the Philippines. This moved the process to new heights, which reached the peak when they signed the Framework Agreement on the Bangsamoro (FAB) in October last year. The FAB provides the workable conceptual framework for real autonomy for the Bangsamoro, which entrenches political autonomy and fiscal autonomy. This is the real reason why we have on the table power-sharing and wealth-sharing discussions. Powers and resources must go together to be able to call a political animal autonomous. This is also the reason why we rejected the ARMM because it is not autonomous but an administrative region like the rest of the regions in the Philippines.

To fast-track the process, therefore, the government must not offer anything already granted to the ARMM especially by R.A. 9054 or by other legislations. For, these are givens that need no longer be negotiated on. On the other hand, the MILF must not demand anything reserved for an independent state. In order to aid them, they can learn from other models on state-substate asymmetrical relationship that are available around us.
Lastly, we are here today to continue the peace journey and possibly to sign anything we can settle, hopefully the annex on wealth-sharing. I don’t think that if we agree on any of the annexes we still go back to our principals for their final say.  I am sure we have the mandates to settle the issues at hand. Besides, I am certain my counterpart and I can call our respective principals when there is a need for it, as we effectively did with then Dean Marvic Leonen during the dying minutes of bargaining on the FAB.

Truth is that too much pressure is building against us, especially on government. The civil society organizations way back home have already sounded the clarion call that we wake up and finish the process.  During the CSO Summit on the Bangsamoro Peace Talks in Davao City last July 4, they called on the government and MILF to “sign the peace agreement now” because “time is running out.”

Finally, we express our grave concern over the reported government's changing policy on our relations with development partners and the GPH instruction to these development partners to slow in their engagements with the MILF. May we remind our esteemed partners that our engagement with international development partners have been mutually agreed by the Parties in 2001 as a result of the Tripoli Accord of Peace of 2001.  This is furthered bolstered when we signed the FAB which said in Section VIII, Nos. 10 and 11, to wit: “The Parties agree to intensify development efforts for rehabilitation, reconstruction and development of the Bangsamoro, and institute programs to address the needs of MILF combatants, internally displaced persons, and poverty-stricken communities”; and “The parries recognize the need to attract multi-donor country support, assistance and pledges to the normalization process….”  These engagements are essential for the success not only of the conclusion of this peace negotiation but more importantly of the implementation of the Peace Agreement that we may sign. Given the short period of the transitions for the MILF and the continuing delay in the completion and signing of a comprehensive peace agreement, it become even more urgent that the MILF receives technical assistance, capacity development, development planning and resource mobilization to insure that when it takes the reign of government it is able to deliver and meet the expectations of the Bangsamoro people. It is our firm conviction that a strong MILF is good for the peace-making in Mindanao, not otherwise.

Thank you very much for your indulgence!

The May 13, 2013 Elections and Its Impact on Framework Agreement on the Bangsamoro

An Overview

When the election in the Autonomous Region for Muslim Mindanao (ARMM) was postponed from August 10, 2011 to May 13, 2013, the main reason given by the ruling coalition led by President Noynoy Aquino (PNoy) was to cleanse the electoral system of the region. Such move was to lay down the foundation for genuine reforms in the ARMM. PNoy appointed his favorite person (Mujiv Hataman) to be the Officer-in-Charge (OIC) of the region on the promise that he would not run in May 2013 elections – the main purpose of the promise of course was to neutralize those who were not agreeable in the ARMM election postponement and would want to participate in August 2011 elections.

Another important reason given by PNoy and his minions was laying the ground for the replacement of ARMM with the New Autonomous Political Entity because the former was considered a political failure. Hence, the ARMM’s original date for election (August 2011) was postponed to May 2013 to synchronize with the local and national elections only to be replaced by a new political entity which would be the result of political negotiation by the Government of the Philippines (GPH) and the Moro Islamic Liberation Front (MILF). And as if following a political clue, the Framework Agreement on the Bangsamoro (FAB) was signed on October 15, 2012 by the GPH and the MILF - only seven months to the May 13, 2013 elections.

There was a widespread optimism among the whole population of the country, especially, in Mindanao. The same sentiments could be felt even with the international stakeholders. This very positive hope for a peaceful settlement between the GPH and the MILF was capped by the historic meeting of PNoy and Al Haj Murad (Chair of MILF) in Japan in the first part of 2013, as if one could already see peace in the horizon.

But what happened in the election period (pre, actual and post elections) was very confusing. PNoy and his minions had not only allowed the OIC Hataman to run as Governor in the ARMM – having almost two (2) years of lead advantage over all his opponents including Chair Nur Misuari – using his OIC period as campaign advantage and promoting himself – but PNoy had fully endorsed Hataman’s candidacy to the five provinces of ARMM. The promise for Hataman not to run for May 2013 because he could use his OIC advantage over all candidates was all together forgotten. Giving bad signal for the peace promises PNoy made with the MILF.

The political moves and maneuvers of PNoy and his administration have shown signs that ARMM, after all, is not a political failure. Such manifestations have once again shown everyone that nobody could win in the ARMM election without the support and blessing of Malacańang. Talking of autonomy or self rule, of course, this is its very opposite. But now Malacanang’s favorite has a regular mandate as Governor of the ARMM.

 What About the FAB?

The fast speed that the momentum of Framework Agreement on the Bangsamoro (FAB) after the October 15, 2012, is now gone to its snail speed. The FAB remains at its best as a framework. It takes the MILF to remind the GPH that when they (both panels) initialed the FAB, they have as well signed what would be the content of the four annexes: namely, wealth, power sharing, modalities of the transfer of power (devolution) and normalization. The MILF through its leadership has warned of growing impatience on the ground of the delayed moves by the GPH.

At present, only the annex of modalities has seen agreed by both panels. The other three have been stalled substantially and technically. The wealth sharing for instance, aside from it being exclusive (IP concerns have never been factored in), the MILF proposed of 75 and 25 sharing in wealth is not acceptable to the GPH but the MILF is quick to remind its counterpart that they have already initialed on this annex and to change this is non-negotiable. With regards to the power sharing, the ARMM election results are not showing positively in the direction of smooth turn-over of power to the MILF led political entity.

The abovementioned reasons have made the post October 15, 2012 seem to reach a standstill.

The Transition Commission (TransCom) cannot proceed with its tasks to draft the Bangsamoro Basic Law (BBL), propose a constitutional amendment to replace the RA 9054 – which created the expanded ARMM which was made into law in 2001 by the Government of the Philippines (GRP) and the Moro National Liberation Front (MNLF) and to propose a development framework for the Bangsamoro without the mutually agreed four annexes.

After the creation of the 15-person commission coming from Bangsamoro (7 for the GPH and 8 for the MILF including the chair), it took the GPH several months before releasing a part of its budget (100 million pesos) but then without the annexes the TransCom has nothing to work on but spend hard earned people’s money.

Based on the proposed timeframe, it should be next year (2014) when the Bangsamoro Transition Authority (BTA) will be put in place so that ample time will be allocated for the 2016 election of the Bangsamoro Government – just in time of PNoy exit from power. And in order to press things forward, the MILF has already announced their plan to create a political party – to prepare for eventual takeover of BTA over the phased- out ARMM. The BTA should be already governed and managed by the MILF in a ministerial form of government.

 Does ARMM Disappearing or Metamorphosing into Another Form?

In the ARMM elections, those who were elected are combination of families of dynasty (new and old) as well as the well known warlords in the provinces. Just like in the national election, one could easily notice that there was no opposition in terms of presenting different political platform. Nur Misuari and Pax Mangudadatu – the two candidates who ran against the anointed one of Malacanang– run on about the same platform with the ruling coalition. They had both professed to support the FAB and PNoy’s ‘Matuwid-na-Daan’. They were no opposition in those who ran and won in the Regional Legislative Assembly (RLA). One could just imagine what will happen in the sessions of RLA who would be presided by the Vice-Governor of ARMM and will have no majority or a minority. The same scenario PNoy wanted to create in the House of Representative, when not content with getting the majority, they want to support a candidate for a minority leadership one cannot help but think of moving closer to a dictatorship scenario.

If this is the way a transition or a phasing out, then once again the people have lost a lot of money and a rare opportunity to really see genuine reforms and experience real self-governance in the region. And worst is, one can hardly see the dynamic connection between the phasing out of ARMM and the appearing of the new Bangsamoro Government through the BTA. It is also possible that people elected in the ARMM includes PNoy’s favorite will be part of the BTA and the Bangsamoro Government as all indicators are manifesting.

Looking at the candidates who won in the provincial levels, one can easily notice that those who won, as endorsed by PNoy himself, are more loyal to the Ruling Coalition and PNoy than the MILF and the FAB. A glaring example of this reality is the Maguindanao election results. This province is very important because this is where the political base of the MILF is found. The political line-up opposed to PNoy’s endorsed candidates lost badly in the said political exercise.

There are serious political reactions on the ground to the effect that the politicians concerned plan to oppose having their territories included the new autonomous political entity.

Another sign that show an indicator of confusionwith the signed FAB is that the development framework which would be worked out with the Bangsamoro Development Authority (BDA) and the Bangsamoro Management and Leadership Institute (BMLI). In the first quarter of this year, the PNoy government announced the launching of the Sajahatra – a development framework which has been implemented since then. Nobody knows if this development framework is a result of mutually agreed efforts or a unilateral one from the government.

With PNoy’s men and women in place after the May 2013 elections in all levels from ARMM (executive and legislative) and the provincial and municipal levels and with the development framework and massive financial support from the Central Government, what else more to do? This is a clear picture of creating a classical method of divide and rule. It can divide the leadership and weaken the communities including the combatants on the ground.

In short, while there is an alarming delay for the annexes and how to proceed with the peace talks, PNoy’s administration is consolidating and strengthening ARMM’s machineries and has implemented massive development projects in the communities. This kind of multilevel approach by the PNoy government while the peace talks have gone to a slow pace is indeed confusing, if not alarming. The approaches from above (ARMM) and from below (development project in the communities) are not good sign for building trust and confidence in building positive peace in Mindanao in particular and in the country in general.

Meanwhile, the GPH (GRP) has continued to talk with the leadership of MNLF (Misuari group) to consummate the 1996 Final Peace Agreement. They (GRP and MNLF) will have a talk in Indonesia almost the same time when the MILF and GPH will have their talk in Malaysia. This means implementing still the unfinished agreed points with the MNLF but being monitored by the representatives of Organization of Islamic Countries (OICs) which gives international pressures on the government as well as the current GPH-MILF talks. But this act is done in the context where before the May 2013 election the OIC of ARMM and Political Adviser of PNoy had met with the MNLF’s representatives to give financial support for the identified MNLF’s communities. What had happened to this talk and the financial support?

 A Need for Peace and Development Framework?

With the development stated above, all concerned stakeholders have expressed much serious concern. The high hope created by the October 15, 2013 and the PNoy-Murad talks has gone down to a very alarming level of the direction of the GPH-MILF talks. Again, the stakeholders have expressed the need that the talks should be transparent so that people can participate in all levels.

But most importantly, the peace we need to build should be inclusive to all stakeholders, especially, if we engage in the peace process in their name. Currently, an on-going armed conflicts have erupted in several areas because other groups like MNLF, Bangsamoro Islamic Freedom Fighters (BIFF) have opposed even the education activities by the MILF on the FAB in their areas. Again, thousands of people have been dislocated and were not even able to vote during the last election. These are just indicators that positive and justpeace can only be attained with proper consultations not just information of all stakeholders in and outside the territories involved. It should always be responsive and fair to all such as in the context of Mindanao. The three people, especially the marginalized ones should be given comprehensive consideration. The attitude that since only a group is negotiating for their interest, it is not incumbent for the latter to negotiate for the interests of the others. This statement is true if the interests and demands such as ancestral domain, territorial and duties and rights of the other groups are not subsumed by the former.

And lastly, but definitely not the least, is that the peace that we should be building should always be accountable. Accountability should be integral part of the peace process so that the negotiators should always be aware that they are not only negotiating for their interest but for all concerned stakeholders. Institutionalizing the role of the peoples and the communities should be the only assurance that peace negotiation and attaining positive peace, is a collective effort for reclaiming and achieving the common good.

R. Solis, June 2013 – RDP, ERDAC Inc.

http://www.europe-solidaire.org/spip.php?article29100

courtesy of: http://www.europe-solidaire.org